Thursday, June 12, 2025
America is fixated on picking winners and losers. We use that term every day, applying it to sports, the stock market and every other field of endeavor. I heard it during the trial of O.J. Simpson, and I remember hearing it as far back as the 1960s, when, following a massive snowstorm, some parts of Queens were the last neighborhoods in New York City to see snowplows. Winners and losers are proclaimed extensively in politics, because politicians are tested on an almost daily basis.
Which leads to a discussion of the long-delayed New York state budget. Over the years, when there was an agreement between the three leaders — the governor, the leader of the State Senate and the Assembly speaker — they would all show up at a much-heralded news conference, at which each would take credit for some portion of the budget bill. For the past few years, that practice has changed, because the only person who has been taking the media spotlight is Gov. Kathy Hochul.
Before talking about winners and losers, it’s worth looking at this year’s budget process. The new spending plan budget is the latest to be finalized since 2010. Since the April 1 deadline, there have been 11 legislative extensions, which assures state employees that they can collect their paychecks.
Could the governor have refused to delay the passage of an agreed-on budget and submitted her own spending plan on a take-it-or-leave-it basis? The answer is yes. During the administration of Gov. David Paterson, the courts decided that if the Legislature can’t agree on a budget by March 31, the governor can force a vote on his or her own plan with no further delays.
But in the spirit of harmony, succeeding governors have chosen to go through the arduous process of countless meetings and formal extensions until all of the parties sign on to a final accord. This year, Hochul made it clear that she had a long list of priorities, and had no plans to give in on them. She presented the Assembly and Senate with a long list of programs covering criminal law, education, housing, mental hygiene and tax reform. When the dust settled, the two leaders got their asks, but the governor got the lion’s share of what she proposed back in January.
With an eye on next year’s election, Hochul set aside money for every region of the state. She addressed subway crime, and sided with the state’s district attorneys on their demand for reforms that will allow them to prevent the dismissal of pending cases. Taxpayers can anticipate expansion of child-care tax credits and many other goodies, including $400 checks for families on limited incomes. School districts will get a hefty increase in education aid, and students won’t be unable use their cellphones from the first school bell to the last.
During a typical give-and-take that is part of the negotiating process, each of the parties shows some willingness to bend on their key issues. But this time, the governor stuck to her guns and yielded on very few issues. Facing what could be a very tough re-election campaign next year, Hochul dug in on almost every proposal she made and gave little ground, which added to the delays. Albany insiders were surprised at her insistence on winning on so many issues, but she has powers, and used them.
An outsider might wonder why budgets take so long these days, compared with the process 20 and 30 years ago, when spending plans were adopted days and weeks before the deadline. Once upon a time, the state budget was strictly a numbers game. The leaders would promote their pet programs, and possibly sneak in a new program or two. But in the late 1980s, the leaders began to introduce items that were controversial and had little to do with the budget. Wrapped up in one big bill, these non-fiscal items would pass, because the members would have no choice but to swallow the whole document.
Is there a chance that state budgets will once again become just a numbers package? That’s highly unlikely, because all of the leaders have developed an appetite for inserting proposals in the budget that would have no chance of passing as stand-alone bills.
Jerry Kremer was a state assemblyman for 23 years, and chaired the Assembly’s Ways and Means Committee for 12 years. Comments about this column? jkremer@liherald.com.
